It is the story of a nation's resurrection and victory, in which the War of Independence is told.
Turkish democracy got over the 27th of May and the 12th of March and set off again, but the storm did not subside and the mutual reckoning was not over. On the contrary, new fronts were opened in the country and blood began to flow like a gutter. Finally, on September 12, there was a knock on the door again. Those who came that day changed everything, everything. Nothing would ever be the same again, nothing would be the same as before.
The Lark Farm is set in a small Turkish town in 1915. It deals with the genocide of Armenians, looking closely at the fortunes, or rather, misfortunes of one wealthy Armenian family.
Revolutionaries passed before the streets of the 1960s on the road to democracy. Then the use of victory songs and rebellion flags, right-wingers, leftists and putschists again. The February 22nd Operation could not revolutionize, but it succeeded in overthrowing its government. Unexpectedly, because of an amnesty... İnönü kept Talat Aydemir's forgiveness by making a promise to him when he received him and drafting a law. But when this structure came to the Parliament, the AP members revolted. They also asked for the ex-Democrats to be pardoned. They said "all or nothing". It's a mess. When the AP insisted, İnönü resigned. Thus, without doing much work, Turkey's first settlement was dissolved in six months. İnönü was brought to the head of the new crime again. However, this time, EP was excluded and a second provision government was formed with CHP, YTP and CKMP. And the winds blowing from Kayseri would continue to sweep Ankara more...
A soldier abandoned by the government exists trapped inside of a dilapidated apartment. The only thing keeping him company is a radio, and a dead body.
By the end of 1963, the word coup was no longer spoken in Turkey. Talat Aydemir is history, the last tremors of the May 27 earthquake have passed and the sliding faults of the regime have begun to settle into place. In this transition period, which lasted more than four years, the person who managed to get the ship to the port without running aground was İsmet İnönü. He ruled for four troubled years in a country torn between armed uprisings, Cyprus crises, coalition governments and regime debates. But meanwhile, he was also worn out. In the local elections held at the end of 1963, while the CHP's votes remained at 37 percent, the AP found 45 percent. But on the very day of the final election results, a few gunshots heard from across the Atlantic turned everything upside down...
As the forces of ISIS and Assad tear through villages and society in Syria and Northern Iraq, a group of brave and idealistic women are taking up arms against them—and winning inspiring victories. Members of “The Free Women’s Party” come from Paris, Turkish Kurdistan, and other parts of the world. Their dream: To create a Democratic Syria, and a society based on gender equality. Guns in hand, these women are carrying on a movement with roots that run 40 years deep in the Kurdish Workers’ Party (PKK) in Turkey. GIRL’S WAR honors the legacy of Sakine Cansiz, co-founder of the PKK who was assassinated in Paris in 2013, and reflects on the sacrifices made by all of the women in the movement, who have endured jail, rape, war, and persecution in their quest to liberate their lives and sisters from male dominance. With scenes of solidarity, strength, and love amongst these brave women soldiers, GIRL'S WAR is a surprising story of Middle Eastern feminism on the front lines.
Terezínští hrobaři
Staff Colonel Talat Aydemir... Aydemir's February 22 rebellion was the first revolutionary attempt in Turkey that faced resistance. But it was also the most dangerous... The thing the army feared most happened to him. The most undesirable possibility of the commanders in charge came true and friction broke out between the armies. At that time, the commander of 27 May, Cemal Aga, was appointed to the presidency, but the discomfort did not end. A group led by Colonel Talat Aydemir sought to intervene again. However, a part of the army, especially the Air Force, left Aydemir alone at the last moment. Talat was still strong in Ankara. In order to break this power, Prime Minister İnönü found the formula to dismiss the leaders of the rebel officers and appoint them to the East. Here is February 22, the day when these appointments will be announced to the rebels. The apocalypse was expected that day. And it broke that day...
Revolutionaries passed before the streets of the 1960s on the road to democracy. Then the youth with the victory songs, the workers with the rebel flags, the rightists, the leftists and the putschists again. The country spent 12 years in the grip of the revolution and in the end all roads came to the same crossroads. Ankara was restless in the minutes when the ousted prime minister of the Democratic Party, Adnan Menderes, was hanged. The news of Menderes' execution had not yet come. There was an anxious wait in the houses. Ears were on the radio. Everyone was wondering what happened in Imrali. In the Assembly, the National Unity Committee was in a meeting. They were also trying to learn the fate of Menderes. Suddenly, news came that EP Chairperson Ragıp Gümüşpala and Secretary General Şinasi Osman wanted to meet with the committee urgently. The committee members did not break the request of their former commander Gümüşpala and made an appointment for 14:30...
In the words of those days, "The first parliament of the Second Republic opened in its new building at 15:00 on a Wednesday. At that moment, the National Unity Committee, which had been ruling the country since 27 May, vanished into history. Now there was an Assembly and a Senate. The old Members of the Committee of National Unity had been "senators of course" for life. The country was finally getting its parliament again after a year and a half hiatus. After many painful days and nights, the biggest share in this success belonged to İsmet İnönü...
A man and a boy play a futile game of chess in the middle of nowhere. An internal struggle between what is and what can no longer be.
The city of Mariupolis is by the Azov sea. It is also on the river Kalmius. Most of the city’s residents, half a million according to the last census, are working for the steel factory and do fishing, for leisure or food, in between shifts. The orthodox church towers above the city and its newly build bronze domes are sitting next to it, waiting to be donned. A tent near by is sheltering a crying icon, which receives a steady flow of visitors.
Bülent Ecevit had dreams of a modest, serene life away from competition and politics. He imagined that he would write poems throughout his life and take refuge in that serene, purified world of art, poetry and aesthetics, against the harsh and harsh reality of daily life. While escaping the hazy atmosphere of politics, he could not even guess where his decision on the day he stepped into politics would take him...
A political amateur who was kneaded with art in the first half of the 1950s and was enthused with the idealism of politics in the second half, was now a person who was dealing with politics and state affairs 24 hours a day, gradually getting hotter and broadening his goals and horizons. In this section, you will follow the milestones of the poet's hopeful arrival in the 1970s, not a dream that the poet remembers with longing, but is no longer left behind. Contrary to the poem, you will recognize the struggle of a stubborn, belligerent missionary who is incompatible with the world. You will witness how it changed in that struggle and how this change affected a country...
What Ecevit feared had happened to him. Someone blew the whistle and the game was over. The name of the game was democracy. Those who finished the game, that is, those who took on the role of referees, were soldiers... The September 12 administration started by blaming the administrators, that is, the politicians. According to the military, incompetent and uncompromising politicians were responsible for the crisis in the country. Now they would put new rules into the game and this time there would be no old actors on the field. Ecevit's political life, which lasted for 27 years, was ending on the morning of September 12...
A political adventure that started with a modest membership ceremony in the Çankaya District Building of the CHP in 1954 and ended in 2004, covering exactly 50 years. Bülent Ecevit was the name that left his mark on Turkey's multi-party years. The politics he said goodbye to was his way of life. No politician has ever been written on the mountains and stones like him... No politician has ever been as critical of the future of the left as he was. His name was sometimes referred to as a "divisive" and sometimes "honest politician. Bülent Ecevit was engraved in history as the memory of the multi-party period and as an example of a politician's exit from the ballot box and his exhaustion...
How will history remember him? The honest politician who brought the left to power, the reliable plane tree of the state, the poet who adds elegance to politics? Or is it the stubborn, skeptical, lonely leader who hinders the unity of the left? How many people will remember the legend of Karaoğlan, which was written on the mountains and stones in the milestones of democracy? And how many of them will question the reasons for the rise from the top to the prison, from the prison to the top again, and then to be forgotten at the ballot box? How will Turkey remember a leader who left his mark in the last fifty years, a republican intellectual, the captain of the country's most critical days?
For young Muslims who live in a free society, how is the culture of origin of the parents compatible with their own wishes? What significance does the commandment of virginity have?