Mehmet Ali Birand

A documentary of Turkish political history about multi-party period, Democrat Party government and the coup d'etat of 27th May. Including eye-witness interviews with journalists, officers, politicians and family members.

Meet Vartanus who has devoted her life to her bedridden father; Goncagul who realizes that her Mafioso lover will never marry her. Gulnur who's resigned herself to daily beatings as long as her husband doesn't touch the kids, Tulay who's shattered every time her mother gets beaten; hairdresser Fusun who tends to see things on the bright side. These are the women who transport Eylem, each other and perhaps every woman in the country to Last Stop: Kurtulus. The heroines adopt one unwavering principle: to oppose all forms of violence! A dark comedy that's rose-tinted, provocative and fantastic...

12 episodes documentary about Turkish political history focused on period between 1993 and 2002.

A documentary film about the 1960, 1971, 1980, and 1997 military interventions and coups d'etat in Turkey.

The multi-party democratic regime that we take for granted in Turkey today is actually the product of 23 years of struggle and search. From the establishment of the Republic until 1946, three attempts were made to transition from a single party to a multi-party. The first of these was in 1924. Progressive Republican Party came up against the Republican People's Party that ruled the country. However, this period, when a new republic was built in pain, did not allow an oppositional voice to survive. The Progressive Party was closed after six months. Some of the rulers were imprisoned. Some of them were sentenced on death rows in the case of the assassination of Atatürk.The second attempt was made six months later, in 1930, with the Free Party. But the Free Party survived only 97 days.Finally, after another 16 years, the Democrat Party came in 1946 and the one-party regime became history for Turkey, never to return.

Turkish democracy got over May 27 and March 12 and set off again, but the storm did not subside, and the mutual reckoning was not over. On the contrary, new fronts were opened in the country and blood began to flow like a gutter. Finally, on September 12, there was a knock on the door again. Those who came that day changed everything, everything. Nothing will ever be the same again

It's easy to say... After 23 years of single-party rule, Turkey decided to try democracy once again in 1946. In every attempt up to that time, the regime had been turned upside down and given up in a short time. Now a new one was coming. Would he be able to reach the multi-party regime that has been pursued since Atatürk this time? The calendar of democracy began to run on the morning of Monday, January 7, 1946. That day was a turning point in Turkish political history. The Republic of Turkey woke up with a single party in the morning, it was now multi-party...

Societies, like people, have turning points in their histories. These milestones sometimes silently and spontaneously knock on the door, and sometimes they explode like a terrifying thunderclap. The year 1950 was such a turning point for Turkey. A simmering social reaction against 27 years of power erupted in the spring of 1950. Society has cracked its quarter-century shell. Not by shedding blood in the streets, but by voting at the ballot boxes. "Demirkırat" was reared by the general vote. That's why the 14 May 1950 elections were always called the "White Revolution"...

The spring of 1950 was also the spring of the multi-party regime in Turkey. A new 10 years, a new regime, a new government. The first test of democracy was beginning. The National Chief of the single-party period had returned to his Pink Mansion. The address of the opposition was clear now. When it comes to power... Power was shared by a tripartite trivet from the first day: DP Group in the Parliament. Celal Bayar in the Mansion and Adnan Menderes in the Prime Ministry..

During the multi-party period in Turkey, no party could achieve the success that the Democrat Party achieved in the 1954 elections. Since those days, no party has been able to repeat the 56 percent of the DP's votes in that election. Now, 93 out of every 100 deputies in the parliament were from the DP. The DP power had reached a heavy and overwhelming majority... Menderes was at the peak of his power and prestige. But as in everything else, the highest point reached in politics was also the point where the descent would begin.

Looking back at the turmoil of the 1950s today, it's hard not to be sad. Even though one knows the end of the story, he is always waiting for something to happen to prevent this bitter ending. He wants the mistakes made to be noticed, a common point to be agreed and the accident that says I am coming to be prevented. But in vain... After the accident today, all we can do is look at the causes of the accident and learn from it... Beginning from the mid-1950s, the democracy, which was knitted stitch by knot before, began to unravel again, stitch by stitch. A tense, harsh, vicious period has opened in the political arena... It seemed impossible to see the future and take precautions in that dusty smoke...

In the past, when spring came, there was a spring atmosphere in politics. But the spring of 1959 brought the CHP's spring offensive on the contrary. Seeing that the opportunity for a dialogue was completely lost after Menderes' plane crash, İsmet Pasha put on his boots in April and took his 46 deputies with him to the expedition. The chosen route was the route of the Great Offensive in the War of Independence. Uşak, where İnönü took the Greek Commander-in-Chief Trikupis prisoner, was the first stop...

While the government was in a deep sleep, the brain staff of the revolution was completing its final preparations at the Military Academy, there were only a few hours left for the revolution that had been prepared for six years. Despite six years of preparation, there was actually no serious plan at hand. An unplanned, unscheduled full night raid was to be organized. The management level of the army was pro-government. Therefore, it was impossible for the intervention to take place within the chain of command. This was to be a grassroots military operation. The army of the operation consisted of young cadets. Except for the Harbiye, there was no force at hand. It was even possible for units such as the Guards Regiment and the Central Command to resist. That's how the day of May 27 began with the unknown and risks. Major General Cemal Madanoğlu, the commander of the Revolution Headquarters, would have the last word...

It is a famous saying: "One can come to power with a bayonet, but not sit on it." The organization, which carried out 27 May, came to power with a bayonet. Moreover, these young officers seized power that night by breaking the traditional chain of command. In the morning, a 10-year DP period was over, the support of the public was gained at first hand, and a brand new phase was reached. Now, the days that would mark the future of Turkey were beginning. Now, as those days put it, the "second republic period" was beginning.

We came to the end of the road. We told you the story of the establishment of a democracy throughout 9 episodes... We witnessed the collapse of a one-party regime. We witnessed the disappearance of the national chiefdom. Together we experienced the holding of the first free general elections and the raising of democracy in pain. And finally, we told you about the birth, rise and fall of a new power. Where we ended up was a military intervention. Whatever the reasons, the storm of revolution had blown once. Now the task of the officers who seized power on the morning of May 27 was to contain that storm. But it didn't. After a while, the storm started to drag the revolutionaries in front of it. The historical scenario was repeated. The Revolution ate some of their children. The revolution was now speaking its own language...

Some people have zeros, make big bucks. He becomes rich like the wives. Everyone talks about their money. As long as they are alive, they are always talked about. But then? Then they are forgotten... The idea of talking to you about a completely different person in this documentary. His life is like a history book. It opened its eyes with the Ottomans, took its first steps with the Young Turkish Republic, grew with the growing Turkey, became a giant, but did not show its giantness. He said that if the state exists, I exist too. It has become a symbol, an institution on its own. He writes down the establishment and development process of the Turkish private sector in detail. This person's name is Koçzade Vehbi Efendi...

Working, working, working... Here are the words that make up a contemporary Turkish fairy tale. In fact, this fairy tale is not just the story of one person or a family. It is also the story of a country...

We feel as if we are discovering Turkey for the first time. All of a sudden, we came across a Türkiye with imam marriage and congregations. Actually, that Türkiye has always existed, but we seem to be ignoring it. Especially the iftar dinner given by Prime Minister Erbakan to the leaders of the sect suddenly increased the discussions even more. Sects are a danger to the Republic for some of us, and star people for peace in the country according to others. Regardless, the truth of sects is now a part of our lives. Tonight we will open a 2-part sects file. How many sects are there in Turkey? Who participates, how and why? How do they enter and what do they do? What are the advantages of being a cult member? How many members do sects have? Is Türkiye about to surrender to the sects? Here you will find answers to hundreds of more questions like these. Rıdvan Akar joined various sects. He studied the positive and negative aspects of the sects world. A beautiful file has emerged...

Revolutionaries passed before the streets of the 1960s on the road to democracy. Then the youth with the victory songs, the workers with the rebel flags, the rightists, the leftists and the putschists again. The country spent 12 years in the grip of the revolution and in the end all roads came to the same crossroads. Ankara was restless in the minutes when the ousted prime minister of the Democratic Party, Adnan Menderes, was hanged. The news of Menderes' execution had not yet come. There was an anxious wait in the houses. Ears were on the radio. Everyone was wondering what happened in Imrali. In the Assembly, the National Unity Committee was in a meeting. They were also trying to learn the fate of Menderes. Suddenly, news came that EP Chairperson Ragıp Gümüşpala and Secretary General Şinasi Osman wanted to meet with the committee urgently. The committee members did not break the request of their former commander Gümüşpala and made an appointment for 14:30...

In the words of those days, "The first parliament of the Second Republic opened in its new building at 15:00 on a Wednesday. At that moment, the National Unity Committee, which had been ruling the country since 27 May, vanished into history. Now there was an Assembly and a Senate. The old Members of the Committee of National Unity had been "senators of course" for life. The country was finally getting its parliament again after a year and a half hiatus. After many painful days and nights, the biggest share in this success belonged to İsmet İnönü...

Staff Colonel Talat Aydemir... Aydemir's February 22 rebellion was the first revolutionary attempt in Turkey that faced resistance. But it was also the most dangerous... The thing the army feared most happened to him. The most undesirable possibility of the commanders in charge came true and friction broke out between the armies. At that time, the commander of 27 May, Cemal Aga, was appointed to the presidency, but the discomfort did not end. A group led by Colonel Talat Aydemir sought to intervene again. However, a part of the army, especially the Air Force, left Aydemir alone at the last moment. Talat was still strong in Ankara. In order to break this power, Prime Minister İnönü found the formula to dismiss the leaders of the rebel officers and appoint them to the East. Here is February 22, the day when these appointments will be announced to the rebels. The apocalypse was expected that day. And it broke that day...

Revolutionaries passed before the streets of the 1960s on the road to democracy. Then the use of victory songs and rebellion flags, right-wingers, leftists and putschists again. The February 22nd Operation could not revolutionize, but it succeeded in overthrowing its government. Unexpectedly, because of an amnesty... İnönü kept Talat Aydemir's forgiveness by making a promise to him when he received him and drafting a law. But when this structure came to the Parliament, the AP members revolted. They also asked for the ex-Democrats to be pardoned. They said "all or nothing". It's a mess. When the AP insisted, İnönü resigned. Thus, without doing much work, Turkey's first settlement was dissolved in six months. İnönü was brought to the head of the new crime again. However, this time, EP was excluded and a second provision government was formed with CHP, YTP and CKMP. And the winds blowing from Kayseri would continue to sweep Ankara more...

By the end of 1963, the word coup was no longer spoken in Turkey. Talat Aydemir is history, the last tremors of the May 27 earthquake have passed and the sliding faults of the regime have begun to settle into place. In this transition period, which lasted more than four years, the person who managed to get the ship to the port without running aground was İsmet İnönü. He ruled for four troubled years in a country torn between armed uprisings, Cyprus crises, coalition governments and regime debates. But meanwhile, he was also worn out. In the local elections held at the end of 1963, while the CHP's votes remained at 37 percent, the AP found 45 percent. But on the very day of the final election results, a few gunshots heard from across the Atlantic turned everything upside down...

In 1965,a two-month-old leader,the commander of the Western Front, knocked down the big plane tree in a shake. One was 40, the other 80. In the last 5 years, it wasnt even possible to think of a government without İnönü in the country,but things were changing.Actually, Demirel was supposed to take the task, but the AP leader did not want it. It's good for the prime minister. He was inexperienced. A moderate name was found for this eight-month temporary period: Suat Hayri Ürgüplü, one of the former ministers of İnönü, and the new EP Senator. Demirel also sat on the chair of the deputy prime minister. For the first time in his life, he entered the General Assembly Hall of the Assembly during this period. Although he was not a deputy, he settled at the forefront of the Cabinet of Ministers, met with the government, and reconciled with the circles that were said to never give power to the EP. At the end of eight months, when the elections were at the door, the squares were waiting for him

The slogan "Great Türkiye" began to be heard for the first time in the mid-60s. The Turkish economy had become unstable and stagnant at the hands of military interventions and the provisional government. After 1965, the system began to settle. The economy's also recovered. With the 2nd Development Plan, the wheels of a liberal economy were turned. On the 1 hand, private sector incentives, big projects such as Keban Dam and Bosphorus Bridge. Electricity was going to the villages, Turkey was getting its share from the growth in the world, the country was "doubling up" in the words of the prime minister. Inflation was five percent. Demirel, who rushed from one groundbreaking ceremony to the next, had nothing to say. Of course, this vitality was also reflected in social life. Unions, associations, universities were fidgety. The world and Türkiye were going to 1968 at full speed. The year that gave its name to a generation in the history of the world and Turkey; 1968 had come...

We are now saying goodbye to the 1960s. The 60's started eventfully on May 27. It ended as eventfully as it began. The '70s inherited escalating violence, student riots, and rumors of intervention. Prime Minister Demirel was trying to put out the fire in the street and to calm the increasingly restless army on the other. The October 1969 elections were held in this atmosphere and the Justice Party came out of the ballot box again. May 27 came by overthrowing the DP government, but the AP, which declared that three of the three elections held since the 1960s, were the continuation of the DP, emerged successfully. Demirel was about to roll up his sleeves for a new era. He felt that no one could stop him now. He was wrong. As he was dizzy from victory, he fell at Caesar's fault. Forgot about Brutus...

When March of 1971 knocked on the door, a military intervention was imminent in the country. Bombs were exploding in a strange way from right to left, and the urban guerrilla was resorting to unconventional acts such as bank robbery and kidnapping. The generals had decided to put a stop to this trend. Dynamite was placed under Prime Minister Demirel. The question now was who would ignite the fuse of the dynamite. President Sunay was waiting to watch the approaching explosion silently from Çankaya. Tuğmaç, Chief of General Staff, tried to delay the explosion as much as possible, preferring Demirel to self-destruct. The two generals were watching each other to see who would ignite the fuse first. These two generals were Faruk Gürler and Muhsin Batur. The fire was in their hands. They were going to detonate the dynamite...

Demirkırat stumbled on March 12, 1971. Actually, you know, they shoot limping horses. But this time it didn't. Turkish democracy continued to run despite its wounds. Because March 12 was not a "seizure" but a "warning". The generals were saying, "If what we want is not done, we will seize it." The country was entering a new era under this Sword of Damocles. A president who was helpless in the face of events, a prime minister who had to leave his seat, a newly fallen parliament, four generals neither inside nor outside the power... Now, a solution would be tried to be found out of this complex equation. But how and with whom? No one knew the answer to these questions in Turkey on the morning of March 13.

Turkish democracy got over the 27th of May and the 12th of March and set off again, but the storm did not subside and the mutual reckoning was not over. On the contrary, new fronts were opened in the country and blood began to flow like a gutter. Finally, on September 12, there was a knock on the door again. Those who came that day changed everything, everything. Nothing would ever be the same again, nothing would be the same as before.

Turkish democracy got over the 27th of May and the 12th of March and set off again, but the storm did not subside and the mutual reckoning was not over. On the contrary, new fronts were opened in the country and blood began to flow like a gutter. Finally, on September 12, there was a knock on the door again. Those who came that day changed everything, everything. Nothing would ever be the same again, nothing would be the same as before.

Turkish democracy got over the 27th of May and the 12th of March and set off again, but the storm did not subside and the mutual reckoning was not over. On the contrary, new fronts were opened in the country and blood began to flow like a gutter. Finally, on September 12, there was a knock on the door again. Those who came that day changed everything, everything. Nothing would ever be the same again, nothing would be the same as before.

Turkish democracy got over the 27th of May and the 12th of March and set off again, but the storm did not subside and the mutual reckoning was not over. On the contrary, new fronts were opened in the country and blood began to flow like a gutter. Finally, on September 12, there was a knock on the door again. Those who came that day changed everything, everything. Nothing would ever be the same again, nothing would be the same as before.

Turkish democracy got over the 27th of May and the 12th of March and set off again, but the storm did not subside and the mutual reckoning was not over. On the contrary, new fronts were opened in the country and blood began to flow like a gutter. Finally, on September 12, there was a knock on the door again. Those who came that day changed everything, everything. Nothing would ever be the same again, nothing would be the same as before.

Turkish democracy got over the 27th of May and the 12th of March and set off again, but the storm did not subside and the mutual reckoning was not over. On the contrary, new fronts were opened in the country and blood began to flow like a gutter. Finally, on September 12, there was a knock on the door again. Those who came that day changed everything, everything. Nothing would ever be the same again, nothing would be the same as before.

Turkish democracy got over the 27th of May and the 12th of March and set off again, but the storm did not subside and the mutual reckoning was not over. On the contrary, new fronts were opened in the country and blood began to flow like a gutter. Finally, on September 12, there was a knock on the door again. Those who came that day changed everything, everything. Nothing would ever be the same again, nothing would be the same as before.

Turkish democracy got over the 27th of May and the 12th of March and set off again, but the storm did not subside and the mutual reckoning was not over. On the contrary, new fronts were opened in the country and blood began to flow like a gutter. Finally, on September 12, there was a knock on the door again. Those who came that day changed everything, everything. Nothing would ever be the same again, nothing would be the same as before.

We have a topic that has always been on the agenda of Turkey and the world, which we have been discussing for nearly 40 years: Cyprus. To foreigners, Cyprus is known as an innocent little island under Turkish invasion. Everyone forgot the bloody events of the past. What about us? Do we know? No. Especially the younger generations, who have come to the point of governing the country today, do not know where this country has gone through regarding Cyprus. However, we are now approaching a road junction in Cyprus. I will tell you the story of Cyprus in this documentary. This is a very bloody and sometimes very sad story...

32.Day, a news classic by Mehmet Ali Birand, is with you this time with the documentary 50 Years of Cyprus!

32.Day, a news classic by Mehmet Ali Birand, is with you this time with the documentary 50 Years of Cyprus!

32.Day, a news classic by Mehmet Ali Birand, is with you this time with the documentary 50 Years of Cyprus!

32.Day, a news classic by Mehmet Ali Birand, is with you this time with the documentary 50 Years of Cyprus!

While we were wandering through the pages of our democracy history, we saw right-left fights and experienced revolutions. Blood was shed, scaffolds were set up, but they could never change the country's path. When we came to the 1980s, a person came out and shook the system to its roots and changed the world of people. According to some, this was a great revolution, according to others, it was the wear and tear of some values. Regardless, this person left his mark on a period of Turkey.

Documentary series chronicling the political developments in Turkey between 1972 and 1983 together with before and after events of 12th September 1980 Turkish coup d'état.

32. Gün is a Turkish national and international television news show. Launched in 1985 by Mehmet Ali Birand, it is Turkey's longest-running and most influential news programme. Originally aired on TRT 1, it then moved to private channels, moving home several times. It has aired on Kanal D since 2005. Contributors to 32. Gün include Rıdvan Akar, Cüneyt Özdemir, and Can Dündar.

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